Porous Legalities and Avenues of Participation

Porous Legalities and Avenues of Participation Lawrence Liang (First circulated for SSRC workshop, and now forthcoming in an anthology edited by Nalini Rajan on Media Politics) Introduction

More often than not, the story of copyright piracy narrates itself through the language of statistics and figures and the narrative strategy of excess, designed to induce a shock and awe response at the alarming rate of piracy and illegality' that exists, especially in non western countries. As with any story that seeks an international audience, the choice of narrative strategy is the key and for the story to be understood and have appeal it will have to transcend the cultural speceficity under which certain stories come to be appreciated. This is especially true when one is attempting one's hand in the genre of horror stories and in the present case the horror story of piracy just does not work in terms of inducing a sense of anxiety and fear in countries like India.

One must however provide reasons for why these stories don't work in some context and for that we will have to travel to distant cities like Delhi and Sao Paulo and perhaps even walk through the more unfamiliar bylines of familiar cities like New York. After urban studies, the idea of an illegal city is familiar to us. One reads for instance that an average of 40 per cent and in some cases 70 per cent of the population of major cities live in illegal conditions. Furthermore, 70 to 95 % of all new housing is built illegally. (Durand -Lasserve and Clerc, 1996). The primary reason for this state of illegality arises from the nature of land tenure forms in cities, where the twin tropes of ownership and title are clearly unable to account for the myriad ways through which people assert a claim on land and to the city more generally. The people who live in this perpetual state of illegality also engage in other networks of illegality, such as stealing electricity, water, bribing their way through the Kafkaeque bureaucratic structures to access civic amenities that the legal city takes for granted. A first glance at the official responses to this older illegal city reveals the familiar face of anonymous statistics and shock and awe figures. Thus when we cut back the piracy story and we are told that over 70% of the software used in India is illegal; we encounter this figure with a sense of familiarity and not anxiety.

Clearly any simplistic account of the widespread illegality in terms of efficiency, morality, disorder or corruption etc. would only perform an epistemic violence which does little to aid our understanding of urban experience and the ways in which people create avenues of participation and make claims to the city. The contribution of urban studies has been to provide a more nuanced sense of the phenomenon of the illegal city.

In a city like Bangalore for instance the urban planning authority, the Bangalore Development Authority provides for approximately 15-20% of the housing requirements, while another 12-15 % are met by private developers. The rest of the city emerges outside of planned development and is hence outside the law. Most urban citizens have no choice but to build, buy or rent illegal dwellings since they cannot afford the cheapest legal accommodation or there is not enough supply to meet the demands of a growing city, marked by high migration as a result of the new information technology dreams that also spurs the imagination of the city's official residents.

A liberal understanding of land tenure forms is limited because of its understanding of interest in land relies too heavily on how ownership and legitimate claims are narrated through the title deed and other legal documents. Any attempt to understand the complexities of the ways in which people make a claim to land in the city would have to take into account the multiple and complex forms that it takes in terms of networks of relationships that constitute a land tenure claim ( the hawker who has a designated place even though he is not entitled to the place in any formal manner, the squatter who pays a rent to the local policeman, the illegal slum that begs borrows and steals electricity and water from the rest of the productive city, the unauthorized revenue layout that gets regularized or legalized near election time on the basis of their strength as a vote bank).

Writing about the modernist project of planning, James Holstrom writes that " modernist planning does not admit or develop productively the paradoxes of its imagined futures. Instead it attempts to be a plan without contradictions or conflict. It assumes a rational domination of the future in which its total and totalizing plan dissolves any conflict between the imagined and existing society in the enforced coherence of its order. This assumption is false and arrogant as it fails to include as its constituent element, the conflict, ambiguity and indeterminacy characteristic of actual social life".

While the older illegal city has been in existence for a while, in the past ten years there has been another layer that has been integrated into the experience and narration of this illegal city. The proliferation of non legal media practices ranging from pirated VCD's, DVD, MP3's to grey market mobile phones informs the practices and imagination of the illegal city. This paper attempts to understand this new layer of illegality and the manner in which it integrates into the older city. The task will be to pose the question of how the older form and the newer form integrate, intertwine to collectively interrogate our liberal assumptions of legality and highlights the limitations of any study based on a strictly legal understanding of contemporary urban practices. I will do this examining the cassette revolution that took place in India in the eighties, and the sphere of illegality in which it emerged. Building on some significant attempts to provide entry points into understanding this aspect of the city, I would also like to posit the idea that porous legalities are often the only modes through which people can access and create avenues of participation in the new economy The information era props up a master plan, similar to that of modernist planning. The institutional imagination of the era relies on the WTO as chief architect and planner, copyright lawyers as the executive managers of this new plan and the only people who retain their jobs from the old city are the executors of the old plan, the police force and the demolition squad. Just as one cannot understand land tenure through the prism of liberal legality alone, any attempt to understand the complex networks of economic and social relations that underlie the phenomenon of piracy will have to engage with the conflict over control over the means of technological and cultural production in the contemporary moment of globalization. The ways in which the illegal media city emerges and co exists alongside the vibrant, innovative and productive debris of the older city, the schizoid relationship between legality and illegality in postcolonial cities suggest that the crisis may not lie in these relations, and we may need to turn the gaze of the law from the usual suspects of legality to legality itself and the relations that underlie its existence. Derrida has said very poignantly that the admiring fascination of the rebel can be understood not merely as the fascination for someone who commits a particular crime but that someone, in defying the law bares the violence of the legal system or the juridical order.

Cassette Culture and the creation of the new media city

Before we begin to point out to the different entry points through which we can understand this new illegal city, it would be useful for us to take a trip to the 80's to understand the developments that preceded the formation of this new city in India. I believe that it is critical for us to understand this period to get a sense of why non state, non elite electronic cultures have always had a problematic relationship with law and legality.

Peter Manuel provides us with an excellent history of the emergence of new media in India tracing out the cassette revolution that took place from the mid eighties. This revolution, he claims created a new aesthetic of media production and consumption that escapes the totalizing imagination of old media in the form of national television, radio and cinema. According to him, new media challenges the one way, monopolistic, homogenizing tendencies of old media as it tends to be decentralized in ownership, control and consumption patterns and hence offer greater potential for consumer input and interaction. I shall briefly summarize Manuels’ account of the emergence of cassette culture in India.

In 1908 the British owned GCI had established its factory in Calcutta and through exclusive distribution agreements, it came to dominate the market in an absolute manner. The monopoly had profound cultural impacts in terms of the local genres and languages which it either appropriated, ignored or reduced into a dialect. The necessity of an all India market to ensure great profits ensured the emergence of an all India aesthetic form in film music. The dominance of the Hindi film music and the monopoly of GCI continued till well past the postcolonial period.

The development model adopted by the Nehruvian state emphasized state investment in large scale infrastructure projects like dams, mines, factories while discouraging luxury consumption through high import tariffs. These policies of over taxation, cumbersome licensing inhibited the consumer electronics industry and related industries. Manuel reports that by the late seventies however, large number of immigrant workers to the gulf countries had begun to bring back cassette players into India (These were Japanese two-in ones) and the ubiquitous cassette player soon became a symbol of affluence and object of modern desire. This is also the period that saw the emergence of a nascent market for pirate cassettes of film music, feeding off the growth of cassette players and also contributing to the expansion of the gray market where such ‘luxury' items could be purchased by the relatively well off.

The liberalization policy of the state in the late 70's designed to stimulate growth, demand, exports and product quality saw a liberalization of many import restrictions. The bourgeoning middle class stimulated the electronic industry and while a few were willing to pay the high import duties on foreign electronic goods, a larger number were content tot buy them off the gray market.

Certain significant developments in this period helped to create a mature market for consumer electronics industry:

• Reduction of duties enabled Indian manufacturers to import selected components for local manufacture of cassette players. • New policies encouraged foreign collaborations in the field of consumer electronics including magnetic tape production. • Tape coating became big in India and from the period of 1982 to 1985, record dealers switched to cassettes and by the mid 80's cassettes came to account for 95% of the market.

Sales of cassettes went from $1.2 million in 1980 to $12 million in 1986 and $21 million in 1990. Export of Indian made records jumped from 1.65 million rupees in 1983 to 99.75 million in 1987. By the end of the 80's Indian consumers were buying around 2.5 million cassette players. This is also the period that saw the swift decline of GCI- HMV as the dominant/ sole player in the industry and the emergence of a handful of large players and over 500 small music producing companies. In a period of a few years, India had become the world's second largest manufacturers of cassettes marketing 217 million cassettes. This period also saw the decline of the film music as the dominant aesthetic form and its marker dropped from 90% to 40% and a whole new range of forms from devotional music, to local language songs and other kinds of markets began to emerge.

This period of tremendous growth is however marked clearly by its troubled relationship of with and legality, with various practices that often straddled both the worlds’ sometimes making it difficult to distinguish one from the other. In its initial boom period, most of the music companies were a part of the informal but well networked sector. They often worked with illegally obtained components to ensure cost effectiveness of their product. These ranged from smuggled goods to indigenously manufactured but unlicensed products, components and magnetic tapes.

It in this context that we can evaluate the story of one such maverick entrepreneur who with a combination of dynamic business skills, ruthless tactics and a elastic idea of legality came to shaper the music industry. In 1979 two brother Gulshan and Gopal Arora who ran a fruit juice shop in Delhi, and were also electronic buffs began a small studio where they recorded Gharwali, Punjabi and Bhopjpuri songs. After borrowing money they visited Japan, Hong Kong and Korea to study cassette technology and the industry. They returned to set up a factory in India to produce magnetic tapes, and also started producing cassettes and silicon paper and finally built a complete manufacturing plant where they offer duplication services to the smaller regional cassette producers. By the late 80's T Series emerged as the clear market leader and currently they have a set up with worth over $ 120 million and have diversified into manufacturing video tapes, television, VCD players, MP3 players, washing machines and even detergents.

The elastic legality of Gulshan Kumar's world translated itself in the following manner: • Using a provision in the fair use clause of the Indian Copyright Act which allows for version recording, T Series issued thousands of cover versions of GCI's classic film songs, particularly those which HMV itself found to be unfeasible to release. T Series also changed the rues of distribution by moving into neighborhoods shops, grocery shops, paan waalahs, and tea shops to literally convert the cassette into a bazaar product. • T Series was also involved in straight forward copyright infringement in the form of pirate releases of popular hits relying on the loose enforcement of copyright laws. • Illegally obtaining film scores even before the release of the film to ensure that their recordings were the first to hit the market • Inserting huge amounts of inferior tape into the established brands to discredit the well established names.

While one could easily dismiss these practices as unscrupulous, unethical or clearly illegal activities, we also need to keep in mind the overall impact that T Series had on the music industry in India and cassette culture itself. T Series created as new cassette consuming public by focusing on various genres and languages, which were completely ignored by HMV. HMV had promoted Hindi at the cost of many other languages, which it deemed to be unfeasible in economic terms given the scale of their operations. T Series by changing the rules of the game and introducing for the first time the idea of networked production, where it would offer its duplication services to a number of the small players revived smaller traditions of music. Finally the reduction of the price of the cassette by T Series created a mass commodity.

Clearly no straightforward account of legality and business ethics can capture the dynamics and the network of interests that fueled the cassette revolution. For instance in an interview with Peter Manuel, one of the employees of T Series stated that " What the people say about our activities in the early years- its is mostly true. But I tell you that back then, the big Ghazal singers would come to us and ask us to market pirate versions of their own cassettes, for their own publicity, since HMV wasn't really able to keep up with the demand". Similarly even major players like HMV in the past dealt with the pirates. For instance when HMV found that it could not met the demands for one of their biggest hits, Maine Pyar Kiya, they are reported to have entered into an agreement with the pirates whereby the pirates would raise their price from Rs. 11 to Rs. 13 and pay HMV half a rupee for every unit that they sold on the condition that HMV did not sue them or raid their businesses. Other producers are also known to have colluded with pirates in production and marketing so that they can minimize their cost, the taxes payable and royalties by hiding the extent of their sales.

The role played by piracy in the creation of a market, in the process of creating a lock in period and also in the reduction of price and has been clearly in software industry and film industry. (Similarly the price of VCD's has come down to Rs. 99, even lesser than what the pirated copy used to be Rs. 100). Similarly the free school street phenomenon of Calcutta created a sub cultural consumption of large amounts of sixties rock before these tapes were available in the Indian markets. Without such a niche elite public, it is highly debatable as to whether Magnasound could have emerged in the early nineties as the most important player in the English music industry in India.

I would like to conclude this segment with two ironical stories that can then lead us to the contemporary. The first is that after its rather chequered history with copyright law, T Series is now one of the most aggressive enforcers of their copyright in India. The have a battery of professionals, generally retired police officials who monitor copyright and trademark infringement cases. The second story is an extract from Peter Manuel’s conclusion to the history of cassette cultures in India. After providing us with a fascinating look at the ad hoc world of innovation based on very porous ideas of legality, Manuel speculates on the possible developments in the future where he says " In India a pre recorded CD costs as much as Rs. 250 or twelve times the price of a tape. CD players themselves anywhere between 5000 upwards, which would constitute a fortune for most Indians/. As a result, CD's naturally remain confined to the upper class. For the music producer, the growth of the CD market is seen as a possible weapon against piracy, as the CD's cannot be duplicated (onto other CD's).

Entering the new city

We can now return to the contemporary urban landscape where the prevailing model of piracy is precisely through the form that was intended to guard against piracy. With the absolute collapse of the costs of CD writers and CD's, every computer owner is a potential producer and redistributor. The logical transition of the older inhabitants of the world of pirated cassette cultures, video library owners etc. into the world of CD's then almost appears as a natural progression. I have outlined the two central histories that we need to narrate to understand the present moment. The first attempt was to problematize and contextualize the idea of illegality vis a vis claiming a space in the city, and the manner in which these claims challenge the liberal premise of law, citizenship, access to institutions of democracy. The second move was to provide a brief history to eh emergence of cassette cultures, and why it emerged in a context of illegality, the central role that it plays in the creation of a public that is not based on print medium imagined sense of the public sphere. It also narrates a world of innovation and discovery which treat any monopolistic claims, be it legality or economic participation, with a sense of irreverence. I would now like to examine some of the ways in which a critical dialogue around IP may take place. At the moment there exists a rich body of the work in the US that seeks to challenge some of the developments in IP law. These are generally posited within literary theory inspired critiques of the assumption of authorship, or they argue that copyright endangers the free flow of information within the public domain. Implicit within this critique however is an assumption of a vibrant public sphere, where constitutionally guaranteed rights such as freedom of speech and expression should dictate IP policy.

The challenge of having an inter continental dialogue is really to push the limits of thinking through the problem of understanding the publics which lie outside the assumptions of the liberal public sphere; to understand the complex spatial logic of globalization and the unfolding of highly unequal division of labour within the sphere of cultural production ( a bootleg Nike t shirt surely has a very different tale to tell as it circulates as a fake or a copy in Los Angeles compared to the circulation in Thailand, one of the largest hosts of the various sweatshops of the world. To understand the difference between the cultural politics of content and appropriation, and the world where content may fit into the larger politics of cultural hegemony of Hollywood, while at the same time enabling diverse entry points into the global modern for a range of people, ordinarily left out of the imagination of the nationalist project of modernity.

The social of the remix in India may have little to do with the romantic assumptions of cultural appropriation and resignification as expressed in Campbell v. Acuff Rose, and more to do with the impact of the structural transformation of industry practices and monopolies as articulated in a Sega v. Accolade. The avenues I have suggested below offer an entry point into understanding the challenges posed by different media practices to an IP regime that insists on the creation of a global regime of ownership and control on which there is an assumed social cohesion and a containment of all social conflict and that there will be no dispute over the forms of property that emerge and expand.

1. The first and most simplistic account of the phenomenon of piracy is that of unequal access between the developing countries and the developed countries. The argument is that the price differential forces people in developing countries to buy pirated goods since they would not be able to buy the original goods. While there s a truth in this proposition of the price factor, the inherent problem of such an entry point is that it relies on a model of piety ( the poor third world figure) and is fundamentally dependent on the development, catching up with the west' account of global relations. The global contemporary is far more complex and one would have to provide an account of the complex logic of cultural production in the era of globalization. The pirate in developing countries is not a figure of piety and this account divests him of any agential role as s/he navigates through the mediascapes of globalization that frames his experience.
2. The second entry point emerges from writers like Jeremy Rifkin who would argue that there is a fundamental shift in our understanding of the logic of production, distribution and consumption. Rifkin argues that we live in an age of access and the culture of the internet for instance is predicated on a culture of networked distribution and circulation. In this new era, there is a transition fro the idea of the market in the older senses of the term to the idea of networks. His account of the nature of the networked economy would render futile for instance any account of piety, as his account is not configured on differential access or privilege alone. He sees the culture of the networked economy as fundamentally shaping the way people think about production, distribution and collaboration. The older form of regulation and structuring of economic transactions will then just not work within this framework. According to Rifkin, "The young people of the new protean generation are far more comfortable conducting business and engaging in social activity in the worlds of electronic commerce and cyberspace, and they adapt easily to the many stimulated worlds that make up the cultural economy. Theirs is a world that is more theatrical than ideological and oriented more to a play ethos, than to a work ethos. For them, access is already a way of life, and while property is important, being connected is even more important. The people of the twenty first century are likely to see themselves as nodes in embedded networks of shared interests as they are to perceive themselves as autonomous agents in a Darwinian world of competitive survival. For them, personal freedom has less to do with the right of possession and the ability to exclude others and more to do so with the right to be included in webs of mutual relationships. They t are the first generation of the Age of Access". In such an account, copyright would emerge as a slightly archaic mode of regulation that is culturally embedded in the technology pf paper. This is also a world which transforms the older worlds of legal imaginaries, using the language of exclusive rights to generate a world of access. The GNU GPL is a classic instance of such a use.
3. Our third entry point is through an examination of the intertwined histories of postcolonial nationalist aspirations of modernity and a particular relationship tot he public sphere. Ravi Sundaram in a Series of articles has been theorizing the phenomenon of piracy and illegal media cultures in the new media city. According to Ravi Sundaram, this world of non legal medias in a number of south Asian cities, marked by its rather ad hoc innovativeness and its various strategies of survival, is the world of recycled modernity. It exists in the quotidian spaces of the everyday and cannot be understood within the terms of the earlier publics (the nationalist public and the elite public sphere). Fueled by aspirations of upward mobility, it is an account of the claims to modernity made by a class of people, otherwise unaccounted for by the meta narrative f the nationalist project of modernity. These cultures of recycling do not however exhibit any of the characteristic valor or romance of counter publics. Beginning with the audio cassette revolution that we examined and moving rapidly into the worlds of computers and digital entertainment, this world has been based on a dispersed logic of production and consumption, and marked by is preponderant illegality. This rearticulated entry point into the modern is also contemporaneous with the emergence of the global moment and this arrival of the global via media, new forms of labour like call centers, the software industry in India etc replace the earlier configuration of national/ modern with the global modern. While understanding the issue of entry points that one makes into the modern it now becomes critically important for us to recognize that the shifts in registers of imagination that the global brings upon the national/ modern configuration.
4. Our fourth entry point into understanding these practices comes from a metaphorically rich account of the role of networks and seepages provided by Raqs media collective. Looking at five figures of transgressions in the contemporary context ( the migrant, the hacker, the pirate, the alien and the squatter), Raqs argues that the modes through which these transgressors of law emerge as residues in the gigantic movement of capital. “Capital transforms older forms of labour and ways of life into those that are either useful for it at present, or those that have no function and so must be made redundant. Thus you have the paradox of a new factory, which instead of creating new jobs often renders the people who live around ‘unemployable’; A new dam, that instead of providing irrigation, renders a million displaced, a new highway that destroys common paths, making movement more, not less difficult for the people and the communities it cuts through”, and the question posed by Raqs is how does one begin to understand what happens to these people who fall off from official maps, official plans and official histories.

The argument is that these people travel with the histories of the networks that they were a part of and are able at any point to deploy the insistent, ubiquitous insider knowledge of today’s networked world. They then introduce the powerful metaphor of seepage and how it may help us to think through these acts of transgressions. “How does this network act, and how does it make itself known in our consciousness? We like to think about this in terms of Seepage. By seepage, we mean the action of many currents of fluid material leaching on to a stable structure, entering and spreading through it by way of pores. Until, it becomes a part of the structure, both in terms of its surface, and at the same time continues to act on its core, to gradually disaggregate its solidity. To crumble it over time with moisture. In a wider sense, seepage can be conceived as those acts that ooze through the pores of the outer surfaces of structures into available pores within the structure, and result in a weakening of the structure itself. Initially the process is invisible, and then it slowly starts causing mould and settles into a disfiguration – and this produces an anxiety about the strength and durability of the structure.

By itself seepage is not an alternative form; it even needs the structure to become what it is – but it creates new conditions in which structures become fragile and are rendered difficult to sustain. It enables the play of an alternative imagination, and so we begin seeing faces and patterns on the wall that change as the seepage ebbs and flows.

In a networked world, there are many acts of seepage, some of which we have already described. They destabilize the structure, without making any claims. So the encroacher redefines the city, even as she needs the city to survive. The trespasser alters the border by crossing it, rendering it meaningless and yet making it present everywhere – even in the heart of the capital city – so that every citizen becomes a suspect alien and the compact of citizenship that sustains the state is quietly eroded. The pirate renders impossible the difference between the authorized and the unauthorized copy, spreading information and culture, and devaluing intellectual property at the same time. Seepage complicates the norm by inducing invisible structural changes that accumulate over time.

It is crucial to the concept of seepage that individual acts of insubordination not be uprooted from the original experience. They have to remain embedded in the wider context to make any sense. And this wider context is a networked context, a context in which incessant movement between nodes is critical.

Porous Legalities and avenues of Participation

Finally I would like to weave another entry point building on those which I have outlined thus far. What seems to weave the stories of the inhabitants of the older city with the denizens of the new city is the umbilical cord of illegality that defines the ways through which they create for themselves avenues of participation. Building on the seepage metaphor of Raqs I would like to add another trope which allows us to understand what allows these seepages to take place, viz. the idea of porous legalities. Porous legalities are created through different forms and materials, but primarily through a profound distrust of the self narrated life of law and law enforcers. The slum dweller with a desperate instinct for survival has little choice but to ignore the law in order to carry on with the rather difficult task of surviving a hostile city, challenging the idea that it is the natural role of law to ensure the public good. At other times, you follow the pores created to benefit the elite few who know how to enter into the legal machinery in their favour, and entering these pores use the same routes to secure yourself. In this avenue, the idea of corruption, bribery , especially within the police force for instance, act like a self fulfilling prophecy which works at different levels/ hierarchies for different kinds of claims. The music company paying the police to conduct raids also has to deal with the policeman who will pass the information of the raid to the pirates. A few pores exist as a part of the structure and design of the legal order itself. Thus the ability to produce cover versions available in the Copyright Act becomes the basis of the creation of a new set of media practices that in turn create an anxiety of regulation all over again.

One could understand these porous legalities as inevitable reproductions of social relations of power, but social struggles, whether they constellate around power, law or knowledge, also have an internal logic of their own where they tend to be performative, as they actively produce (rather than merely reproducing) the forms of power, law or knowledge that best suit their horizons of expectations. The tragedy would be to examine a practice of illegality, especially around media within its own horizons of expectations. We need instead to uncover the various constellations of fantasy, mobility, innovations that mark the realities of these social worlds. Santos states for instance that “Though for different reasons, maps, poems and laws distort social realities, traditions or territories, and all according to certain rules. Maps distort reality in order to establish orientations; poems distort reality to establish originality and laws distort reality to establish exclusivity”.

The figures of illegality poses fundamental questions to our neat categories of the liberal public sphere were citizens interact through constitutionally guaranteed rights, as the exclusive mode of understanding the world of law and legality. The status of these transgressors as the ‘not quite’ and yet ‘not quiet’ citizens creating their own avenues of participation in the multiple worlds of media, modernity and globalization demands that we ask fundamentally different questions of the relationship between law, legality property (tangible and intangible) and that which we call the public domain.

Bibliography

1. Alain Durand- Lasserve and Lauren Royston, Holding their ground, (London: Earthscan, 2002) 2. Arthur J. Jacobso, The informal economy: the other path of the law, 103 Yale L.J. 2213 3. Boaventura De Sousa Santos, Towards a new common sense, ( New York : Routledge, 1995). 4. Carlos Osorio, A contribution to the understanding of the llegal copying of software, Working Paper, MIT Program on Internet and Telecoms Convergence. 5. Christain Zlolniski, The Informal Economy in an Advanced Industrialized Society: Mexican Immigrant Labor in Silicon Valley, 103 Yale L.J. 2305 6. Diane Singerman, Avenues of participation: Family politics and networks in urban quarters in Cairo, (Princeton: Princeton Univ. press, 1997) 7. Jeremy Rifkin, The Age of Access, The New Culture Of Hypercapitalism, Where All Of Life Is A Paid-For Experience, (New York: Penguin 2001) 8. Jeorge Hardoy & David Braithwaite, Squatter Citizen, (London: earthscan, 1989). 9. Mitchell Duneieir, Sidewalk, (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1999) 10. Peter Manuel, Cassette Culture: Popular Music and technology in North India, (New Delhi: Oxford Univ. press, 2001). 11. Ravi Sundaram, Recycling modernity: Pirate electronic cultures in India, Sarai Reader 01: The Public Domain 12. Ravi Sundaram, Beyond the Nationalist Panopticon: the Experience of Cyberpublics in India, available at http://amsterdam.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-9611/msg00018.html 13. Ravi Sundaram, Electronic Marginality Or, Alternative Cyberfutures in the Third World, http://www.ljudmila.org/nettime/zkp4/08.htm 14. Raqs Media Collective, X notes on Practice: Stubborn Structures and Insistent Seepage in a Networked World (To be published)